Under Austria-Hungary and into the twentieth century Ukrainian nobility from Galicia

medal of 1782 commemorating constitution of parliament in galicia , lodomeria joseph ii, holy roman emperor. shows allegorical depiction of imperial law (left) being handed on allegorical figure of galicia shield showing coat of arms of lands

in 1772, western ukraine annexed austria during first partition of poland. western ukrainian nobility, self-image centered on function of militarily defending kingdom, found without social role within new political circumstances , point defined largely differences , superiority peasants. in 1848, serfdom abolished. prior abolishment of serfdom in 1848, ukrainian nobility enjoyed lifestyle quite different of ukrainian peasants. unlike ukrainian peasants, ukrainian nobles worked on own lands , not forced work polish nobility. enjoyed own court system , not under authority of local polish-dominated courts. unlike serfs, ukrainian nobles not obligated perform communal duty such working on roads, considered humiliating.

in contrast polish nobles had owned serfs, ukrainian nobles did not experience economic losses when serfdom abolished. instead, experienced loss in social status , standing. ukrainian nobles lost of privileges, placed under same legal authority , given same obligations peasants. in 1860, noble self-government abolished , noble , peasant elected bodies integrated. nobility attempted continue unofficially elect own leaders, traditionally known prefects, despite official integration peasant community. multiple appeals austrian government in 1860s seeking obtain separate legal standings failed, rare exceptions such being able avoid having perform compulsory roadwork. thus, in mid nineteenth century political , socioeconomic differences between ukrainian nobles , ukrainian peasants disappeared.

in 1 of 2 regions large concentration of ukrainian nobles, western podilia, loss of special noble legal privileges , elimination of peasant serfdom led assimilation of of western ukrainian nobility ukrainian peasantry , disappearance of nobility social group. in contrast, nobles southern galicia retain distinct self-identity twentieth century.

evolution class national identity

because western ukrainian nobles had not owned estates or serfs, unlike polish nobility not hated peasants. conversely, because had never been enserfed, ukrainian nobility did not share peasants animosity towards polish nobility, , indeed felt class solidarity them.

despite sharing language , religion of ukrainian peasant neighbors, throughout nineteenth century ukrainian nobles in western ukraine tended side polish nobility during conflicts between polish , ukrainian communities. in 1848, ukrainian nobles volunteered polish national guard , in 1863 took donations in support of polish rebels in russian empire. villages populated ukrainian nobility tended vote polish candidates , oppose efforts spread literacy among peasants. nobles politically preoccupied trying retain or win special rights nobles did not engage in other forms of political activism. alienation of nobles ukrainian national movement not one-sided. ukrainian national movement peasant-focused , rejected nobility, social background did not fit nationalist narrative. nobility treated scapegoats , blamed electoral failures; press of national movement accused them of greed , of selling votes poles. none of nineteenth century political activists seeking alleviate plight of ukrainian peasants, or spread literacy, or encourage ukrainization, or limit economic exploitation, nobles. nobles consistent indifference or opposition towards ukrainian causes resulted in rural ukrainian activists claiming nobles not part of ukrainian nation.

until mid nineteenth century, because ukrainian nobles oriented towards class standing, opposed interests of ukrainian peasants. end of century, however, idea of old multinational polish commonwealth gave way competing modern ukrainian , polish nationalisms. meant national ideas eclipsed class loyalties. @ time, of ukrainian nobility in western ukraine linked ukrainian national movement. nobility represented association of ruthenian gentry, allied conservative , religious elements within ukrainian national movement. despite allegiance ukrainian national cause, these nobles maintained separation peasants. example, rather joining peasants in reading clubs cultural activities, nobles participated in own gentry casinos. aroused negative feelings peasants. russophiles attempted exploit differences between nobles , peasants, , there stronger tendency support ideological russophilia among nobility among general galician population. indeed, noble candidate sambir county in elections of 1911, ivan kulchytsky, declared have recovered our sight , shall not allow bastards trick ukraine…. should know on not give damn ukraine , have returned historical road. on russians. in general, however, nobles adopted ukrainian national orientation. beginning of twentieth century, noble gatherings concluded singing of ukrainian national anthem, shche ne vmerla ukraina ( ukraine has not yet died ). 1912 commemoration of 17th century cossack leader petro konashevych-sahaidachny, member of petty gentry galicia, in 1912 served underscore new affiliation of ukrainian gentry towards ukrainian national movement. during these celebrations cossacks represented not peasant runaways nobles defending ukrainian nation. in way nobles found place within ukrainian national narrative.